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Company A, 121st Pa. Regiment

A Brief History of Aaron Hurlburt Harrison
and
Company A, 121st Pa. Regiment
By Alan S. Wilder


On August 28th, 1862, Aaron H. Harrison, a farmer aged 20,enlisted in the 121st Pennsylvania Regiment, a three year enlistment, "unless sooner discharged".

He died June 19, 1864, in the field hospital at City Point, Va,from a Union cannon ball that removed his leg at the knee.
This is the story of Aaron and Company A, told not just fromthe brutal statistics reported on the company musters, but also fromwhat we know of the various campaigns in which this companyengaged. No serious intent will be made to report the various battlesin detail, since that has been adequately written in the past. Ratherit will be a history of 105 officers and men. These men were throwntogether by a terrible war, and they lived together for nearly threeyears, the survivors being mustered out as a company on June 2,1865. So for this period of time they were best friends, sometimesenemies, borrowed from each other, shared stolen chicken, hoardedfood when it was hard to get, cleaned each others rifles Aaron H. Harrisonwhen they lost a bet, ordered their own to do terrible deeds, suffered from the heat, cold,thirst, vermin, wet and sore feet, colds and worse, and died together. They must haveended up, the survivors, as a very close fraternity.
The regiment started as two units, one with a history. After riots in Philadelphia in1844, the mayor of that city called on the citizens to form a volunteer company. This wasformed as company I, First Regiment Pennsylvania Artillery. It was dissolved as acompany in 1848, apparently no longer needed, at a meeting held in the offices of oneChapman Biddle, esq. Biddle started as acting First Sgt, and ultimately played a majorrole in the 121st history.
In 1861, Biddle again convened a meeting in his offices, and formed an artillerycompany designated company A. In July of that year, the company went into camp atChadd's Ford, Pa, for ten days of training. But again they went apparently inactive, untilthe summer of 1862, when the 121st began to be formed in response to a call to arms by thePresident. He asked for 600,000 soldiers.
More or less simultaneously with this last act, a company was being raised inVenango county, in the western part of the state. It was to be part of the 145thPennsylvania Volunteer Infantry. Patriotism was rampant, and the company wasoverfilled, ultimately with enough men to fill two plus companies. But Lincoln neededregiments then, and rather than wait for slow filling of this regiment, it was combined withthe original unit from Philadelphia. The Venango unit became the new Company A, andthe Philadelphia unit took the I designation from their previous history.
The Regiment is shown as having been "Joined for Duty and Enrolled" on July 12,1862, on the Muster-in roll. The men raised from Venango County constituted CompaniesA and F, and about 18 men in company E. The balance of men and officers were raised inthe Philadelphia area. Each of the ten companies, lettered from A thru K but skipping J,had from 58 to 105 officers and men...A was the biggest. The smallest companies did notmeet the requirements for number of men, but the need was great enough that this wasapparently overlooked. The total for the regiment was 891 officers and men, including 17Field and Staff. A few replacements came into the regiment during its service, probably 50or 75. But the regiment never exceeded somewhere between 730 and 770 officers and men. Early desertions,(most of the 113 documented were early), sickness and other causesreduced the numbers significantly.
The 1860 census of Venango County, Pennsylvania showed most of Aaron's family. His father, Charles Harrison, born March 3, 1807, was shown to be a farmer, with realestate worth $1,500, and personal property valued at $600. They had come to Venangocounty by at least 1850, according to the census. He was shown as having come from NewJersey, while his wife Catherine came from Wawarsing, near Catskill, in New York State. Aaron's mother, Catherine Ann Dewitt Harrison was born August 12, 1813. TheHarrisons had ten children, seven alive at the time Aaron enlisted. Ellen Diana, born July18, 1844, died September 24, 1845, Charles born May 12, 1852, died in infancy, andCatherine, born May 28, 1854 died in "1858 or 1859". His two oldest brothers, Eli DewittHarrison born March 11, 1833 and Amos, born March 29, 1835, are not shown there in the1860 census, and had moved away as adults. Eli was living in Pleasantville, Pa, in 1860,still in Venango county but quite a distance, 30 miles or so, from the family. His occupationis shown as carpenter, and he was married to Sarah, aged 20. At the same time, Amos wasa builder, living in Fredonia, NY, with a wife, Lil, and at that time two daughters, Ada andMay. But Abraham Henry(occupation "tinker"), born December 22, 1837, and CorneliusDewitt Harrison, born March 14, 1840, were both in the census, as were Aaron("farmer"),born March 4, 1842, as well as Alexander Morgan, six years younger than Aaron sopresumably born in 1848. Albert Monroe, the youngest, was born February 1855. Aaron,Alexander and Albert were all three shown as having been in school, so presumably Aaronhad either just finished or was still attending at 18. All of the family over the age of 19were shown as literate.
Aaron undoubtedly was influenced to join by having Cornelius enlist with theU.S.Cavalry, 22 July, 1861, in troop K, 6th Regiment. The basic difference between regularand volunteer units during the Civil War was that a regular unit did not elect their ownofficers. As a farmer, life would have been pretty dull compared with what his brother wasdoing, and of course he was probably patriotic as well. So he enlisted, with the 121stPennsylvania Regiment, Company A.
While the muster shows that the company was "Joined for Duty and Enrolled" onJuly 12th, 1862, in actual practice they were all mustered in between August 23 and 28, moston the 23rd. Arron is shown on the records as having received a bounty of $25.00 formustering in on August 23rd. Most of the men were in their early twenties, although LeviGrimm and Garrett DeMill were 44, and a few were still teen aged. Some lied about theirage. Officers tended to be somewhat older, with Capt. George E. Ridgway 32. However,2nd Lt. James Warner was just 21. Throughout, "mustering in" ages are used, except forsome soldiers at the end, to show what they had accomplished at an early age.

    Three men were mustered in with special titles and duties:
    Franklin F. Sands, 27, is shown as the Fifer.
    Newton B. Riddle, 19, was the Drummer.
    William B. Stover, 21, was the Wagoner.
Soon after mid August, 1862, most of the company boarded a flatboat at Franklinon the Alleghany river, and traveled to Kittanning. On the way, at Emlenton, part of thecompany recruited from the Northern part of the county joined them. The river was low,and often they had to get into the river and pull the boat over shallows. At Kittanning,they boarded a train and went to the Philadelphia area, and went into camp "John C.Knox", near Manayunk. They mustered in August 23rd. The officers of the company wereoriginally to be George E. Ridgeway as Captain, G.W.Brickley as 1st. Lt, andG.W.Plummer as 2nd Lt. But Plummer went with the extra men into what became companyE with the same rank. About 1/5th of the men in E were from Venango county. James S.Warner was elected 2nd Lt. Of Company A.
An unusual aspect of this particular regiment was the order for battle. The originalcompany I occupied the right end of the line, then C, E, G, D(color company), B, F, H, K,and on the left, A. This somewhat odd arrangement may have been originally to place thetwo strongest units on the ends of the regiment, with the less experienced and officeredunits sandwiched between.
After preliminary training from August 22 to September 5, they marched fromcamp to the depot of the Philadelphia, Wilmington and Baltimore railroad at Broad andPrime St., where they boarded freight cars for Washington. The men were disappointed bynot having a lunch at the Cooper Shop Refreshment Saloon, a "perk" usually offered bythe city of Philadelphia to troops passing through. After delays, the regiment arrived inWashington at daylight on the 6th. They marched to Camp Chase, at Arlington Heights,part of General Casey's Provisional Brigade. On the way, they met a portion of the Armyof the Potomac on their way to Maryland, to confront confederate forces. They rested on Long bridge for 5 hours, while the army passed through. The veterans asked "whatbrigade" this was, when it was only a regiment. Their units were so decimated that theirregiments resembled companies.
They did not receive their arms and equipment immediately, but neverthelessstarted their drill. As a new unit, they went through the usual drill, musketry, etc. OnSeptember 11th they were issued brand new Springfield rifles. On the 17th, they wereassigned to Brigadier General Pratt's brigade. During this time, the regiment was trainedand learned how to use the various implements supplied to the infantry. Also, they had theopportunity to purchase various items from Sutlers, designed to make your life saferand/or better in the field. One sergeant purchased breastplates in a vest. They sometimesproved useful as frying pans.
On September 29, they moved to Frederick, Md, and joined the Army of thePotomac. They were attached to 1st Brigade, 3rd Division (Meade's), 1st Army Corp.
On October 8, 1862, in the evening the regiment began marching from Frederick toSharpsburg. That same day, Aaron was admitted to General Hospital #1 at Frederick,Md, with typhoid fever. He returned to his unit on December 20, 1862, after recovering,and was fortunate in missing the battle of Fredericksburg.
During this march, the unit discovered a complaint common to all infantry. Being inexperienced, they carried way too much with them, and they rapidly figured what theyreally needed and what was "just more weight". They left quite a trail as they movedSouth. There is no record whether the breastplates were part of this jetsam.
When they arrived at the "Burnside Bridge" over Antietam Creek, on October 16, near Sharpsburg, the Governor of Pennsylvania presented to the regiment a set of colors.
Except for slight skirmishing, the Regiment had no fighting experience as it movedSouth into Virginia, until it got into the Fredericksburg campaign, where they "saw theelephant". This expression was often used to describe the experience of being in a heavybattle for the first time, and was in wide use during the Civil War. On December 13th theregiment was heavily engaged, and took huge losses. Killed were 1st lt. George W. Brickley,26, Cpl. John Burns, 31, cpl. John B. Manson, 22, Orin Babcock, 24, (first shown missing),Prior McMurray, 19, William A. McKenzie, 21, Sidney Heckard, 19(died as a prisoner inRichmond, in December), John H. Stoop, 19, and Chambers Lawrence, 23. Lawrence layon the battlefield with a thigh wound for two days, after which he was taken to a hospitalwhere he died on the 17th. Additionally, James P. Manson, 22, died of wounds Dec. 25rd. Thomas Fair recollected in 1893 that Heckard had been sick on the march from Antietam,and had been advised to drop out by the surgeon but he refused to do so. John Mansonwas the first man to be killed in the regiment at Fredericksburg. He was cut in two by acannon ball. There were three "Mansons" in the company, and Only Jesse M. Manson, 20,survived to be discharged at the end of the war. It is likely that these three were somehowrelated, cousins, brothers, etc. Another William McKenzie, 21, was also in the unit, whichundoubtedly caused some confusion until after this time.
Additionally, David O. Tyrrell, 29, was missing from the battle of Fredericksburgonward. It is conceivable that he deserted, but more likely he was never identified on thebattlefield.
From the Company muster it is difficult to determine in many cases, unless thebattle was actually mentioned, when and where men were wounded, if they survived andwere ultimately mustered out. In most cases, the history of the 121st clarifies this situation.
After the battle, Captain Ridgway wrote about the particular bravery of certainmen in his unit as follows:
"Second Lieutenant James S. Warner, for coolness and bravery in discharge of hisduty; First Sergeant Philander R. Gray, for self-possession and bravery in aiding to reformthe broken lines, under the hottest fire of the enemy; Sergeant Henry H. Herpst, forcoolness in discharge of his duty; Sergeant Alexander McDowell, for bravery; CorporalJohn M. Bingham, for bravery(his first wound was here, and he was also wounded atGettysburg); Corporal Francis H. Hilliard, for bravery."
It is interesting to note that in the regiment, with only a couple exceptions, theprivate soldiers were not singled out at all in writings by the officers. Partly this would bebecause the officers dealt with the non-commissioned officers, but it appears from thisdistance that it was very uncommon to recognize a private. If recognized, it was usually for"good conduct."
With the loss of 1st Lt. Brickley, James S. Warner was promoted to 1st Lt on Dec 13,1862. At the same time, Philander R. Gray was "discharged as 1st sgt and mustered in as2nd lt." Ultimately, Gray became a lst lt. and Quartermaster for the regiment.
Losses among officers throughout the war were always higher proportionally thanamong the enlisted men, in nearly all units.
After the battle of Fredericksburg, the regiment retired to a camp near White OakChurch. A few weeks later it moved to Belle Plain, Va, where it remained in "wintercamp", in huts and under canvas, and going through the usual drill and picket duty. Company B was detached from the regiment at this point, for duty at the headquarters ofGeneral John Reynolds, and they did not return to the unit until after the battle ofGettysburg.
Winter camp caused the troops a totally different type of problem: disease. Livingclosely together, in huts or under canvas, often cold and wet, never very clean, withunsanitary conditions, caused no end of problems. Also, troops from a rural location werefrequently more prone to particular diseases, since they had never been exposed. A farmboy of 20 or so might well have never been more than a few miles from his home until thewar. On Dec 22, 1862, James Withneck, 21, died in U.S. General Hospital of smallpox. James B. Brown, 19, died of disease Dec. 30th in the regimental hospital. In the samehospital, William J. Bingham, 20, died of "congestion of the brain" after having been sickfor three days, Feb. 20, 1863.
It was common to be discharged "for disability". From this distance, withoutlooking at the individual soldiers records not readily available, we have only the muster orregimental history to reveal what happened to the man. Frequently, with no appendednote, that is all we can state. However, it is not difficult to conjecture any sort of problemfrom mental, including what we now think of as "battle fatigue", to something now quitecurable, such as a torn ligament, that would certainly prevent marching. Over that winter,the following were discharged:

    Thomas W. Eaton, 26, Dec 2, 1862, for disability
    On Feb 24, 1863, the original Captain of the unit, George E. Ridgeway, wounded atFredericksburg December 13, 1862 was discharged for disability.
    Wallace W. Gilleland, 18, was discharged for disability Feb 25, 1863.
    Joseph B. Hart, 22, Feb 24, 1863, for disability
    Sgt Julius A. Dunham, 21, Feb 23, 1863, for disability
    Garrett DeMill, 44, Feb 28, 1863, "by reason of deafness"
    Joseph B. Hart, 22, Feb 24, 1863, for disability
    Joseph Kellerman, 31, Feb. 28, 1863, disability
    Sgt. Emanuel Widle, 33, for disability, May 20, 1863
    Daniel Hoxworth was released for disability April 1, 1863
    John B. Shaner, 20, wounded at Fredericksburg, was discharged for wounds onApril 6, 1863
    Thomas A. Morrison, 22, was wounded at Fredericksburg, and was dischargedApril 22, 1863. He lost his left arm at the shoulder, and was also wounded in the left knee. He ultimately became a Judge of the Superior Court of Pennsylvania.
As part of the Army of the Potomac, they marched and were in the spring 1863campaign known as Chancellorsville, from late April into early May. Fortunately, thecompany was not too heavily engaged at any time, and the records show no definitive"losses" from that action.
On April 20, 1863, the regiment was rousted out and marched thru heavy rain, mudand total discomfort to the vicinity of Port Tobacco, on what would become famous as the"Mud March". Ultimately, the entire reconnaissance was called off, and they returned tocamp. But Col. Chapman Biddle wrote on April 22 that: "...weather was such as to invitein-door employment...a fine fire was built, benches tilted and legs outstretched...orderlyappeared...immediate move with three days rations...stout men floundered in the mire andweaker ones toppled over...wearers of high boots-the pride and glory and protection oftheir owners-abandoned them incontinently and sought permanent refuge in the liquidsoil...bare feet measured many weary miles of toil...sixteen miles is the measured distance,but ...they ought, in justice, be computed more than double."
At one point during the Chancellorsville campaign, the regiment was working hardbuilding works and engaging in soldierly duties of a heavy nature, in very miserable, cold,rainy weather. The regimental quartermaster, Joshua Garsed, caused a barrel of whiskeyto be delivered to the troops to be used apparently for medicinal purposes, since the troopswere very cold, wet and tired and needed a lift. They knocked out the bung, and fell towith a vengeance. One of the field officers, of a temperance nature, caused the barrel to betipped over into the mud. But the men fell to, righted the barrel, and again the officersucceeded in tipping it over. So the battle raged, success favoring one side and then theother until much of the liquid was lost in the mud. However, many of the men succeeded infilling their canteens or tin cups, and soon were themselves filled.
On May 7th the unit moved to Fitzhugh Woods, four miles below Falmouth, andwent into camp at Pollacks Woods, where they remained until May 18th. Part of their duty was picket duty along the river, where on the other side were confederate units. Usually,both sides were quite civil, and more or less shared the river during quiet moments. Col.Biddle in a letter dated May 15th noted: "Both sides in this vicinity have pickets along theriver, and the men fish or bathe or converse across the stream as the humor inclines them,and generally conduct themselves in a friendly manner. This morning one of our sideinquired of a Georgia soldier who was fishing, "How do the fish bite?" ‘Why,' repliedSesesh ‘as they always do, with their mouths.' A little while after Sesesh asked, ‘What hasbecome of Hooker?' ‘Oh, retorted one of ours, ‘he has gone to Stonewall Jackson'sfuneral.'
On May 17th, a number of regimental members captured at Fredericksburg wereexchanged, and rejoined the regiment.
May 18th was excessively hot, and men from both armies indulged in bathing andswimming in the river. There was also barter between both armies, with coffee headedSouth and tobacco North.
An unusual notation in the muster out concerns William M. De Woody, 19. He isshown as mustered out 1 July 1863 "by civil authority because of his minority". However,he was apparently also listed as a deserter. The last notation made on this muster is datedafter 8 Feb 1933. That notation probably was as a result of he or his family attempting torestore his character, and perhaps pension. The notation was:"See War Dept. letter Feb 8, 1933. This man was on War Department records as a deserteruntil said date, when charge was removed under act of Cong. of March 2, 1889, and washonorably discharged to Oct 29, 1862." The handwriting is not up to the muster standard. The regimental history shows him as honorably discharged July 1, 1863.
Another unusual notation in the regimental history mentions an individual not byname but as being "neither useful nor ornamental, and who would have served his countrywith far better results had he never entered the army. This man could not be persuadednor induced, by any means within the scope of the ingenuity of the colonel to adopt, toperform his duty, and nothing short of a bayonet at his back could compel him to performthe penalties of his shortcomings. He would desert the regiment on every opportunity; butsome enterprising provost guard would soon return him to camp, much to the disgust of hiscomrades. No matter how often a gun was furnished him, he would not carry it, but wouldthrow it away on the first march. When selected for work of any kind he would refuse, andwas nearly always under guard for disobedience of orders or for skulking from theregiment, and was never known to be within range of the rebel guns. At Pollack's Mills hewas detailed to walk the camp from one end to the other, a flour barrel with the heads outshoved over his shoulders and marked "skulker". But in order to make him comply withthe orders to walk, a guard with fixed bayonets was appointed to march in his rear andprobe him occasionally. That he was a "walker," however, he proved to the satisfaction ofhis comrades, for he left the regiment on its way to Gettysburg and was never heard fromafterward."
An examination of the desertion records of the regiment shows that only Isaac Dyerof Company I deserted just before Gettysburg, June 27th 1863 specifically.
Aaron again left the unit sick, on June 6, 1863, and was sick in hospital the entiresummer and fall. He was first in the U.S. General Hospital, Washington, and aroundSeptember 1 was sent to the U.S. General Hospital Pittsburg, Pa, which would have beencloser to his home. On September 11, 1863, he requested a 10 day furlough as follows:
"L. Cooper McGee,
Spt. Surgeon, U.S.A
In Charge of Hospital:
Sir
I have the honor to apply through the Surgeon in Charge to the Major General Commanding
for a furlough of ten(10) days, to visit my friends and See a Brotherdangerously Ill.
I have the honor to remain
Very Respectfully
Your Ob't Sv't
Aaron H. Harrison"
This letter is the only writing in his hand known of in the family. He did not rejoin the unit until January, 1864.

The regiment's time came again at Gettysburg. The brigade, under ColonelChapman Biddle, was heavily involved in the actions of the first day. They were in the lineon the left of the brigade, composed also of the 20th New York, a six piece battery, 142nd,and 151th Pa. regiments. Because of the unusual order of battle of this regiment, thiscompany was on the extreme left of the entire Union line engaged, with an unsupportedflank. As a result, they took unusually heavy fire, both directly and enfilading from theirleft, both from infantry and artillery. Under intense fire the entire day, at the end of theday they were totally exhausted. The regimental flag was pierced by numerous bullets, andthe flagstaff itself was shot into three pieces. Color Sergeant William Hardy spliced thestaff with some sticks and it was carried that way from that time onward. They fought forabout seven hours.
One sergeant in the regiment, retiring slowly from the line, and carrying a veryheavy knapsack, set it down and sat on it to rest. At that point, a cannon ball destroyed theknapsack under him, and bowled him over, unhurt except for pride.
Day 2 was fairly quiet, but again on July 3 they were in the middle of the line,slightly in reserve, about to the right of the famous Vermont regiments, and as a resultwere again under artillery fire, and took slight losses during Pickett's famous charge. Onereference states that the 121st regiment marched on the field with 263 officers and men, andhad 12 killed, 106 wounded, 61 missing or captured, with many of the captured woundedbefore being captured.
Killed or dying from wounds shortly thereafter were:

    Cpl. Solomon S. Engle, 29
    William H. Kelly, 23
    John McCool, 19
    William C. Waits, 22
    Orin S. Babcock, 24
    David W. Tripp, 18, wounded July 1, died July 6.
    Cpl. Henry A Cornwell, 22, wounded July 1, died July 8.
    Ebenezer H. James, 22, July 1 wounded, died July 16.
    John F. Hughes, 20, wounded at Fredericksburg December 13, 1862, again atGettysburg July 1, 1863, where he was taken prisoner, discharged for wounds, February1865
    Levi Grimm, the other of the two "old men" of 44, was discharged July 28, 1863,"by reason of wounds." He was wounded at Fredericksburg, December 13, 1862.
    Sgt. Francis H. Hilliard 24, originally Cpl., while wounded at Gettysburg July 1,1863, did not die until Aug 2, at the U.S. General Hospital in Philadelphia. Apparently wellenough to be not only removed from the battlefield, but transported by hard riding cartand ultimately train to Philadelphia. Did he die of infection?
    David O. Tyrrell, 29, captured at Fredericksburg, died in Libby Prison, Richmond.
It is interesting to note that the order of battle for Gettysburg shows thecommanding officer of each brigade. One Union brigade had 5 different commandingofficers during the three day battle, as successive commanders were killed or wounded.
After Gettysburg, the regiment continued as part of the Army of the Potomac,slowly chasing Lee's retreating army.
On August 7th a field officer wrote "The stereotyped phrase ‘all quiet along theRappahannock,' from its amusing application, the other evening by one of the soldiers,produced a good deal of merriment when it was heard. Towards dusk a mounted man wasriding through camp, which is in a wood, and, passing between two trees where a clothes-line was stretched, was caught by the rope and emptied out of his saddle on the ground. Asoldier nearby, seeing what had occurred, called out to his comrades ‘all quiet on theRappahannock,' which seeming so ridiculous to every one, a general laugh was theconsequence, at the rider's discomfort. You can hardly imagine the rage which the cavalierexhibited at the situation as he gained his feet. With a volley of oaths, rising above thelaughter, he got on his horse and departed from the unfeeling camp."
On September 24th, the regiment, and others, were formally drawn up along 3 sidesof a square, and a deserter from the brigade was executed. Not all "skulkers" were easilytolerated.
That fall and winter was involved in a long series of minor engagements from whichthe company suffered no reported loss.
It was reported on November 15 that six of the companies had no commissionedofficers remaining.
In the history of the 121st, letters from Col. Biddle are often quoted. He frequentlysaw the humorous. On November 18th he writes:
"This morning I had a visit from an impudent secession woman, who told me, in themost approved Southern style, that she was a secessionist from the top of her head to thesole of her foot. My answer seemed to discomfort her, as I merely said I did not care in theleast what she was. She then apologized and hoped I was not offended. To this I answered,‘not at all, as I did not regard her opinion as of any consequence whatsoever.' The youngspitfire (for she was young) was greatly nettled to find that I considered her and her viewsas of no importance, which induced her to assail me for my want of gallantry. To see whatshe was capable of, I remarked that she ought to be sent to the Old Capitol at Washington. At this she expressed a perfect willingness to go; but as it was no part of my purpose tomake a martyr of her, especially as she seemed to covet this sort of martyrdom, I addedthat if she would call tomorrow and surrender herself I might perhaps send her toWashington. Her wounded vanity, at this, received a new shock, and she cried out withfeline ferocity, ‘So, sir, I see you do not consider me of any importance, and I must say youpossess less gallantry than anyone I have ever met.' Only think of it, my character almostimpeached at my own quarters!"
The commanding officer did not tolerate gamblers when he detected these"demoralizing characters.....carrying on their nefarious work among the soldiers." A lowprofessional gambler detected in the regiment was given one minute to strip, at gunpoint,which revealed greasy cards, false dice, and his money. His comrades were called together,and they tossed him repeatedly in a canvas. When they ran out of steam, another groupwas called, and it was repeated, the culprit receiving a tossing and shaking and the entirecamp enjoyed a good laugh.
On December 12, Col. Biddle and Major Alexander Biddle, his cousin, bothresigned from the regiment. They were at this point commanding a regiment reduced insize to that of a large company, and it could be inferred from the writing in the history ofthe 121st that these men felt that it was beneath them at this point to continue to commandsuch a small group. Efforts had been made at recruitment, but with little effect. Col,Biddle was also in poor health. The Colonel shook the hand of every man on leaving. Thetroops only then appreciated him fully, according to the regimental history.
On December 24th the regiment moved to Culpepper, where they remained in winter quarters.
They received about 30 recruits at this time, spread among all companies. Beingnew to the army, the recruits were collected together and drilled as the awkward squad. Also, they all had frequent inspections, at which the regiment had to look its best. Notwithstanding their considerable effort, they were frequently described as the dirtiestregiment in the division.
During the winter, there were several pretty good snowstorms, and the regimentthen engaged with the 142nd regiment in snowball fights.

    Joel C. Usher, 20, wounded at Fredericksburg, was transferred to Veterans ReserveCorp, (V.R.C.), Sept 1, 1863.
    During winter months, while units had time to plan, there were often transfers, etc. On October 25, 1863, Sgt. Charles G. Connely, 24, was transferred to a non commissionedstaff roll, as Sergeant-Major of the regiment.
    Almiron Parker,19, was transfered to V.R.C Nov 15, 1863
    Thomas C. Shelmerdine, 19, died of disease Dec 6, 1863
    Solomon D. Hughes, 23, died of disease, January 9, 1864
    William A. Shingledecker, 19, discharged, wounds, Feb 20, 1864
    On March 2, 1864, Sgt Dennis Moriarty, 23, was transferred to "V.R.C.by G.O.86"
    Henry E. Ginter, 29, was transferred to V.R.C March 14, 1864
    Nathaniel Brink died of measles March 19th, 1864, in the U.S.General Hospital,Baltimore. Buried in Loudon Park National Cemetery.
    Cpl Jacob Allebach, 27, wounded at Gettysburg July 1, 1863, was transferred toV.R.C , April 1, 1864, as was Alexander McKinley, 20.
    Henry D. Shaner, 22, was discharged for disability April 10, 1864.
    2nd cpl. Dennis D. Moriarity, promoted to Sgt. Dec 13, 1862, wounded July 1, 1863 atGettysburg, transferred to V.S.R. May 2, 1864.
The decimated First Corp was broken up in March 1864, and that Corp wascombined into two others. This regiment became part of 1st Brigade, 1st Division, V Corp(Warrens).
In the spring of 1864 the unit was engaged in the Overland campaign. GeneralGrant had taken over the Army, and he was known as a no nonsense, hard driving officer,with success in the Western campaigns. His idea, and a good one, was to attack and try tocapture Richmond, which was certainly not a new goal for the Union forces. His technique,somewhat forced on him, was to continually skirt the right flank of the confederate forces,by making a series of marches extending his left flank. This resulted in a series of battles,many ferocious, and now famous as the Wilderness, Spotsylvania Court House, Assault onthe Salient, Cold Harbor, and Petersburg. At the Wilderness the 121st regiment lost fromCompany A:
Sylvester L. Dunham, 38, missing May 5, 1864, and Calvin D. Bingham, shown as 18on the muster but in the regimental history shown as 15, missing. Bingham was capturedand ultimately died in prison in Florence, S.C., in November, 1864, after having been aprisoner for over 6 months. He was one of three Binghams, sons of a minister, in thecompany. George R. Morris, 26, wounded at Gettysburg, was discharged for wounds May29, 1864. Nicholas Thompson, 24, also wounded at Gettysburg, was discharged forwounds June 1, 1864.
One soldier not shown with Co. A at this point was Sgt-major Charles C. Connelly,24, enlisted with the original unit as a private, promoted to corporal Dec 29, 1862, to Sgt.May 23, 1863, to Sgt-major of the regiment October 23, 1863, wounded and missing inaction on May 5, 1864. He was wounded by a minie ball in the right leg below the knee.Thomas Fair and another soldier tried to remove him from the field, but the fire wasintense and the other soldier bolted for the rear. Seeing the danger to his remainingcomrade in trying to remove him from the battlefield, he insisted that he leave him, in asmall ditch. A letter from the confederate field hospital to his father a few days aftermentioned that he was "very much reduced", and hoped that he would not have to have theleg amputated. Nothing beyond that is known.
The Petersburg campaign was for 1864 the near end result of Grants efforts. Afterthe disastrous Cold Harbor assaults, where thousands lost their lives in a futile attack, andwhere trench warfare became an art, he secretly moved a huge body of men, including thisunit, around behind his own lines. Lee lost touch with these units for a number of days,due to the covering tactics of the other federal troops, especially the cavalry.
June 1, 1864, Aaron Harrison was promoted to Corporal, when Cpl. Jacob Allebach(shown also as "Allebaugh"), was transferred.
On June 6th, 1864, the brigade got a new commander, Colonel Joshua L.Chamberlain. This rightly famous officer, previously wounded 5 times while commandingvarious Maine units, had started as a private and through his intelligence and fortitude hadreceived rapid promotion. But now, having come back to the army after a period ofrecuperation from the previous wound he was given a brigade, composed of sixPennsylvania regiments, the 121,142,143,149,150, and 187. With two other brigades thiscomposed the First division of the V Army Corps, under General Gouverneur K. Warren. They probably were no stronger than two regiments as originally comprised, perhaps1,500 men, and the division had maybe 4,000 men. But, they were certainly experienced,and those surviving to this point were as professional as soldiers could get.
Chamberlain at first was regarded with some suspicion, but he always had shown ahigh regard for his men. While often taking them in harms way, he tried to minimize theodds and therefore keep losses to a minimum.
After days of very hard marching in hot weather, the brigade was mostly rested onJune 14 and 15, while waiting to cross the James river. Humphreys, Meade's chief of staff,urged Warren to "push forward your corps as rapidly as possible toward Petersburg". Indoing so, part crossed on the 2100 foot long pontoon bridge, considered a marvel by many. This regiment crossed by boat, on the transport "Exchange". Originally, Grant wished theV Corp directed to the Jerusalem Plank Road. Col. C.B.Comstock thought this unwise. Heinformed Warren that "a bad swamp and considerable interval" would exist between the Vand IX Corps. He suggested approaching by following the line of the Norfolk andPetersburg Railroad. By midnight of June 16 lead elements of V Corp were behind theDimmock line(a defensive line created by the confederates, overrun by the union forces). Warren's men would continue to arrive throughout the night.
By late morning on the 16th, General Warren wired Meade that V Corp was "readyfor whatever is to be done, and have been (for) some time."
Nevertheless, Warren showed a hesitancy that cost the Union dearly, and probablythe taking of Petersburg inexpensively. In large part, Meade was responsible, since he hadshown indecision as to the role of V Corp. At one point, he wanted to use a division of theCorp to reinforce the right of the Union line, but that was cancelled as risky.
At 8:00 PM, Meade learned of Ledlie's (IX Corp) gains and urged Warren ahead. Half an hour later, Meade changed the disposition of Warren's forces, and cautioned thatunless decisive results could be guaranteed, Warren should wait until morning. That wasall Warren needed, and he, of course, waited. A common soldier of V Corp reported being"maneuvered around all day." Further, the night was no better, simply "a succession ofstarting and halting, moving by the right flank, and then by the left." So 20,000 men spentthe day unused, when the rail line was basically undefended, and could have been easily assaulted.
As was typical of the entire campaign, the Union forces were attempting to turn theright flank of the confederate lines, by extending their left flank. This meant hard, fastmarching for the infantry on both sides, especially the Union. The confederates werefighting on interior lines, which almost inevitably meant shorter marches. The weatherwas very hot in June, and each and every Union unit was exhausted from the marching. But in spite of that, each in turn was thrown into the line, attempting to breach theconfederate lines. Chamberlain was instructed on the 18th of June to attack the confederateline. After his force made a difficult assault on to a small ridge, Chamberlain looked overthat ridge, saw the terrain and enemy dispositions, and concluded that it was not feasible toattack further. So he contacted his superior, General Warren, and tried to change theorder. But the order stood, and Chamberlain then had to make the attack he did not wantto make. So he properly called in the artillery, and got them to give him close supportingfire, which they did. When he ordered the attack, in short order he was very badlywounded, since as usual he lead from the front. His injuries were bad enough that heasked to be left on the battlefield, but his brother, Capt. Tom Chamberlain from anotherunit, and two surgeons searched for him for hours, removed him from the battlefield overhis protests, and he survived. It is lucky for many that he did, as ultimately he was head ofBowdoin college, governor of Maine four times, and had many other honors bestowed.
The regiment lay exposed in the field, as a result of this advance, under intense firefrom both rebel musketry and cannon. A sergeant from Company E and Pvt. WilliamMcKinzie from A, both crack shots, were in this exposed position. In the words of thesergeant:
Bradford, Pa., July 25, 1892.
"Dear Friend:­I remember the 18th of June very well. We charged over the point of the hillinto a strip of woods that extended down into another hollow.
About the time we came to the woods, Benedict, of our company,was wounded. You will remember by a remark of his, which was,
‘I now have got a furlough.' Colonel Chamberlain, whocommanded our brigade, was wounded about the same time.
When we got to the top of the little hill, we were received verywarmly by the rebs, which caused me to look for a place that would not be quite so hot. Seeing the hollow in front, I Where he was shotmade for it; but when I got there it was no better, as Johnnies had an enfilading fire downthe hollow. Finding it too warm for comfort, and thinking the regiment wasclose by, I made another dash toward the reb's works, and I succeeded in getting as far as Ithought it was safe until the others caught up with me. I had been there but a few momentswhen Wm. McKinzie, of Company "A", came up to me. After looking the situation over,we concluded to try our luck on the reb gunners, and was succeeding admirably, one of usfiring while the other loaded, and had come to the conclusion that we had it all our ownway; but our opponents thought different, and were laying for us; and when my comradegot up to fire, it being his turn, Mr. Johnny shot him through the head, which made me layclose to the ground afterwards." The "McKinzie" mentioned by the sergeant was Pvt.William McKenzie, 21, the "other" McKenzie in the regiment.
Also, they were being fired over by their own artillery. Oneof these batteries to the rear fired several short rounds, one of whichhit Cpl. Aaron H. Harrison, 20, removing his leg at the knee. He laidon the battlefield for hours.
After being found by some of his regimental matesHarrison was taken to the hospital in City Point, where he diedprobably from a combination of loss of blood and shock. He diedon the 19th.
On June 29, 1864, his Mother, Catherine Dewitt Harrison,wrote a letter to Cornelius Dewitt Harrison, Arron's brother, asfollows:
City Point Cemetery
Perry, NY
My Dear Son,
It is with a trembling hand and aching heart that I take my pen in hand to write youa few lines to let you know - O, how shall I write it, but our dear Aaron is no more. He diedon the 19th. On the 18th, they were ordered to charge the rebel breastworks at Petersburg,and were repulsed, and he had his leg shot off thru the knee, and laid 2 hours on the fieldbefore he could be taken off. By that time, he had lost so much blood that he was pastrecovery. His friends took him to the hospital and had his leg dressed and he lived until thenext day. The last words he spoke were, "Tell mother I die a good boy", and we all knowhe was a good boy. I had a letter from Eli Herman of Co F 121st Reg't. He says they havelost a good and brave soldier boy, but the Lord gave and he has taken away, blessed be thename of the Lord. I had a letter from you dated the 5th and I answered it right away, buthave not heard from you since. Write as often as you can, if it is but a few words, and now,my son, "be also ready, for in such an hour as ye think not, the Son of man cometh andblessed is that servant, whom, when cometh, he shall find watching."
We are all well and hope you are well. And now, good bye, and write soon. Thisfrom your ever affectionate and afflicted mother. We all send our love to you and pray foryour safety.

C.D.Harrison
to C.D.Harrison
.

His Certificate of Death shows he died on the 19th day of June, 1864, and in the same document states that he "Died from wounds received in action front of Petersburg June18th, 1864"
A report dated August 13, 1864, stated "Corp. Aaron H. Harrison was in Sound Mind until a few minutes before he died. He expressed a desire that some one should writeto his friends, at Perry P.O.Venango County Penn; His Brother Neal and Eli live at Perry"
This was signed by surgeon J.A.Ramsay and Capt Henry H. Herpst, his commanding officer.
The Petersburg assault dragged on all summer, the fall and into winter. Casualties continued to happen:
Cpl John B. Alexander was discharged for wounds, Sept 18, 1864.
James Bailey, 26, taken prisoner, died Jan 28th, 1865 at the U.S.General Hospital, Annapolis, Md.
The campaign did not truly end until early April of 1865. It became true siegewarfare, with the construction of deeper and bigger gun pits and emplacements, with coveroverhead that would stop any round except the very largest mortar. The only change fromthis situation occurred on July 30, when a group of Pennsylvania miners dug a tunnel over500 feet long, directly under a particularly difficult rebel position, loaded it with over 8,000pounds of explosive, and touched it off. The explosion certainly killed a number of rebels,but the union forces were not quick enough in capitalizing on the line breach, and theultimate result was only several hundred more casualties on both sides, and morestalemate. There are no casualty figures for this unit at that time; fortunately for them, they were in reserve when the explosion occurred.
In the early fall the regiment was out of the line at Petersburg, and was engaged in continuing the extension of the left flank of the Union lines. They were involved in theWeldon Railroad campaign, and after that met disaster at Poplar Grove Church.
On October 1 the regiment was engaged rather heavily in the line at Poplar Grove Church, when they were supposed to pull back. Someone did not get the word, however,and Lt. Col. Warner, now commanding the regiment, along with his adjutant, seven officers and 43 men, were surrounded and captured. These men were captives for overfour months, and those that survived were paroled not in time to rejoin the regiment beforethe end of the war. They nearly all had their health broken by this captivity. Lt. Binghamof A company was among those captured. He progressed up thru the ranks from Corporal,was 1st sgt. Of the company, and was wounded at Fredericksburg, Chancellorsville,Gettysburg, and Cold Harbor!
The regiment now was reduced to about its lowest level. They had just fourcommissioned officers and 85 men, smaller than the original Company A.
In October, 1864, Samuel G. Crawford, 20, was sick in hospital, and did not returnto the unit. Honorably discharged July 27, 1865.
William R. Dawson, 19 on muster but really 17, wounded and prisoner July 1, 1863,exchanged, was transferred to V.R.C. November 23, 1864.
Again, after the 1864 campaign there was some juggling of personnel:
In Dec. 1864, Sgt. Alexander McDowell was transferred to V.R.C. On the muster-indocument, he is shown as being 19, but in the book on the 121st he is shown as 17. He wascaptured at Gettysburg and wounded May 5, 1864 at the Wilderness. After the war, heserved in congress for two years, and was Clerk of the House of Representatives for many years.
On February 27th, a momentous event occurred. The regiment got paid for the firsttime in four months. While much of this money was sent home, the sutlers also had a fieldday.
The balance of the war played out when Grant chased Lee to Appomattox, in aseries of short, sharp one sided battles. After the surrender, the remaining troops shouldhave simply gone home upon discharge, save any sick or still wounded. But the war had todeal this unit one last blow. They began to march back toward Washington. Theymarched back to City Point, where on April 20th, they entrained. But they wereimmediately ordered off the train, during which maneuver Henry D. Weaver was struckand killed by lightning.

    More transfers occurred:
    Two men, David Perry, 42, and George Savage, 22, were transferred to the 191stReg. Pennsylvania Volunteers, June 1, 1865. A few men, enlisted replacements from lateron in the war, were transferred to this Volunteer unit either late in the war or shortly afterthe conclusion. Probably these troops became occupation type troops.
    Sgt. William Dickey, 21, to Non-commission staff roll, G.O.#11, May 1, 1865. Dickey was promoted corporal November 4, 1863, and to sergeant, wounded April 6, 1865,promoted to regimental sgt-Major May 1, 1865.
    John E. Lapsley, 20, was captured July 1, 1863 at Gettysburg. He was discharged May 18, 1865.
    The company mustered out 2 June, 1865. They went back to Philadelphia, arriving early on the 4th . That day they had a truly royal repast at the Cooper Shop Refreshmentsaloon, which they had awaited since leaving Philadelphia in September 1862.
    By this time, James S. Warner, initially a 21 year old 2nd Lt. in third command of the company, was Lt. Colonel in command of the regiment, probably aged 25. He had been captured at Poplar Grove Church and exchanged.
    The company was commanded by Capt. Henry H. Herpst, probably 30, who startedas a sergeant. The two 1st lieutenants were John M. Bingham, originally a corporal, and William H.Potter, a private in 1862. Both were probably 32. Bingham was the only surviving son ofthree in service in this unit. Wounded three times and captured at Poplar Grove Church,he survived the war, only to die by drowning in a river in Indian Territory in the West. Potter was wounded at Gettysburg.
    The only remaining sergeant was William Beck, risen from private.
    Corporals remaining were Benjamin F. Baldwin, Jonathan W. Brink, Henry Atenand Samuel Fair. Fair was wounded at Gettysburg. First Cpl. John B. Allender is shownas mustered in, but not out. He was wounded first at Gettysburg, and again with loss ofleft arm at Spotslyvania Court house, but was not honorably discharged until Sept 18,1864. Since the muster out was prepared prior to that date, that may explain his name missing.

    Effective strength was not over one quarter of the initial strength:
    John Aten, enlisted Feb 15, 1864, was transferred to Co. E, 191 Penna. Regt. June 1
    Moore Bridges. When mustered in, shown as 2nd Sgt, but private here.
    James D. Black
    Warren J. Brink
    George W. Barnes, enlisted March 19, 1864, transferred. Unit not shown.
    William J. Connely, enlisted April 23, 1864, transferred to Co. E, 191st regt. June 1
    Abraham L. Cosway
    John R. Donnelly, listed as sick in hospital at muster out
    James F. Dawson
    Phillip H. Dillon
    Thomas Fair
    Augustus M. Funk, wounded, in hospital in Washington, DC. Discharged June 5
    Moses Funk
    Andrew J. Gibbons
    Jacob Gibbons
    Francis Gray, wounded at Fredericksburg, still in hospital at muster out.
    George Hesler
    James W. Ingram
    Owen Lyons enlisted April 20, 1864, transferred to company E, 191st regt. June 1
    Henry H. Mull
    Jesse M. Manson
    Israel T. Phelps
    Nelson B. Riddle, drummer
    Abraham Rhodebarger
    Robert B. Rodgers, sick and in hospital in Washington, DC, discharged June 2, 1865
    Franklin F. Sands, fifer
    William W. Stover, wagoner
    George Shawgo, wounded at Five Forks, April 2, 1865, in hospital at muster out.
    George Shingeldecker
    Orpheus W. Scott, transferred to 191st Penna Vol Regt.
    Jonathan Wygant, at home, sick, transferred to 191st Penna Vol Regt.
    John Wygant, listed as sick and also as a deserter. Transferred to 191st Penna VolRegt. This is the only deserter shown in the company, and perhaps he was not.
Desertion was a serious problem during the civil war. In this regiment, thedesertions totaled 113, but the pattern of desertion was very unusual.
CompanyDesertedCompanyDesertedCompanyDeserted
A 1?D19G17
B19E22 H6
C13F1I8
***K8*
TOTAL 113 or 114

The "country" boys did not desert. The city boys did. If you look at the names,often 3 or 4 in a row, alphabetically, deserted. Apparently they were tented together, got toknow each other, and decided to vote with their feet together.
The effective strength is about average for these regiments. Of course, a transfer out may not truly count as a lost man. One analysis of 300 or so Union regiments showsthat the 121st was in the top 18 in losses.
The civil war caused untold misery. It is interesting to speculate on the "survivors". Consider what we now know about the residual effect on soldiers and captives underprolonged stress.
It cannot be calculated.
    Author notes:
    Late in January of 2003 my wife and I left to drive to Florida, taking our time as wewent. I wanted to stop at Petersburg, where her Great-Great uncle Aaron Harrison diedduring the Civil War. I knew his unit and name, and little more. But when I gave thatinformation to the curator, he was visibly impressed with the unit, and he not only told usexactly where he died on the battlefield, but also his grave location in City Point cemetery. Beyond that, he said that most records were in the state archives, in Harrisburg in thiscase. That got me started, and I frankly don't know exactly how far I can go with it. Isuspect I have 95% of what I want, but something new can come up at any time.It has been fun.
    Alan S. Wilder
    P.O.Box 190
    Chester, Vt. 05143
    December 17, 2003

My special thanks goes to a lot of people I know only over the internet as bits andbytes. Mrs. Terry Reimer, curator of the National Museum of Civil War Medicine and anauthor, answered the question of why Aaron was in hospital at time of Fredericksburg. Imagine, she has cataloged 10,000 civil war soldiers and their illness or injury! Ms. ShirleyFazekas found me census information and church records on the Harrison family. Ms.Patricia Finnegan filled in more of the early data on the Harrisons and on JoshuaChamberlain, her special hero, as well. The National Park personnel at Petersburg and thegood people at the Pennsylvania State Archives both helped and accidentally became agoad that pushed me along to write this short paper. Both at the beginning, when I got alist of soldiers from the Venango County website, and now, when it is time to put this story up on that site, Ms. Sheila Helser helped me along. Thank you all.


    Bibliography
  • One Vast Hospital: The Civil War Hospital Sites in Frederick, Maryland after Antietam;Terry Reimer, National Museum of Civil War Medicine, Inc. 2001
  • United States Census, Fredonia, Pennsylvania, 1860, 1850, 1840.
  • Wararsing Reformed Dutch Records, New York State Genealogical and BibliographicalSociety, Vol. VII.
  • 121st Inf. Regt: History of the 121st Regiment Pennsylvania Volunteers, by the Survivors'Association: An Account From the Ranks. Phila. Catholic Standard & Times, RevisedEdition, 292 p. See also 16 page addenda published in 1893.
  • Muster in and Muster out for the 121st Pa. Vol. Inf., Company A, Pennsylvania State Archives,Harrisburg, Pa.
  • Wasted Valor: The Petersburg Campaign, June 15-18, 1864, Thomas J. Howe, The VirginiaCivil War Battles and Leaders Series, H.E.Howard, Inc, Lynchburg, Va, 1988.
  • National Archives, records for Aaron H. Harrison.
  • Letter, Catherine Dewitt Harrison to Cornelius Harrison, June 29, 1864

    Contributor
    Alan Wilder
    aswilder@vermontel.net

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